Comparing Commercial and Political Advertising
Even though the use of political advertising has spread exponentially, both in terms of the sheer frequency of exposure and the increased length of political campaigns, political advertising is still miniscule compared with commercial advertising. The total cost of the 1996 election (all races combined) amounted to approximately $2.5 billion (Center for Responsive Politics, 1999). This figure is less than the annual advertising budget for major U.S. corporations. During the height of the 1996 campaign, the research firm CMR found that fewer than one percent of all televised advertisements (750,000 out of 93,000,000) in the top 75 media markets were sponsored by political candidates or organizations (Goldstein, 1998). Clearly, the public’s distaste for these advertisements is based on factors other than sheer frequency.
The most distinctive feature of contemporary political campaign advertisements is the negativity of their content and tone. Political advertisers frequently engage in so-called "comparative" advertising in which the opposing candidate’s program and performance are criticized and even ridiculed. Highlighting the opponent’s liabilities and weaknesses usually takes precedence over identifying the sponsor’s program and strengths. In the most comprehensive tracking of campaign advertising to date, scholars at the Annenberg School of Communication have found that such "negative" advertising makes up approximately one-third of all campaign ads used in presidential campaigns (Jamieson et al., 1998). The level of negativity is actually significantly greater when one considers frequency-weighted indicators of content (Prior, 1999). In 1996, for instance, while fewer than one-half of the ads produced by the major candidates featured negative appeals, these appeals accounted for some seventy percent of the candidates’ ad buys (Goldstein, 1998). While we do not have comparable data for any commercial advertising campaign, the "comparative" element is unlikely to be so prominent; when compared with commercial ads, political ads are much more negative in content.
Unlike commercial advertisers, political advertises do not adhere to any codes or procedures intended to protect the public from inaccurate and unsubstantiated claims. All commercial advertisers voluntarily subscribe to a "code of advertising ethics" administered by the Advertising Division of the Better Business Bureau. This code includes provisions for dealing with complaints of false or misleading claims. Complaints directed at specific ads are reviewed and arbitrated by a panel appointed by the National Advertising Review Board. After reviewing the evidence from both sides, the panel may find the complaint to be valid and require that the ad in question be modified or discontinued. The panel may also refer the complaint to the appropriate governmental agency. If the advertiser fails to comply with a request for modification or termination, the panel may issue a "notice of noncompliance" identifying the advertiser.
Political advertisers are not subject to comparable voluntary guidelines. First Amendment protections make it virtually impossible to impose involuntary restraints on the content of political advertising. The American Association of Political Consultants has shown no inclination to encourage any form of self-restraint. The result is a free-for-all environment in which candidates repeatedly attack and counter-attack the claims of their competitors. The only accountability is provided by the press, in the form of sporadic "ad-watch" news reports that scrutinize specific ads for their accuracy (for a review of research into the effects of these reports, see Pew Commission, 1998). The very nature of ad-watch journalism, however, is bound to exacerbate public cynicism over the fairness and credibility of political advertising.
The Effects of Political Advertising
The harsh tone of political advertising, the often controversial techniques employed by political advertisers, and the fact that the competing claims made in campaign ads are beyond review, have raised questions about the goals of political advertisers. Many critics have suggested that political advertisers seek votes at any cost, even including a degraded sense of public regard for the candidates and the electoral process. Perhaps the amount of negativity featured in political campaigns is designed to shrink the "market" rather than increase the sponsor’s relative share. Discouraging people from voting is much more feasible than persuading supporters of one candidate to vote for the opponent. It is well known that most Americans hold fast to their partisan attachments and that the act of voting generally serves expressive (as opposed to instrumental) needs (for a review of research on political participation, see Rosenstone and Hansen, 1992). Since people acquire their affiliation with the Democratic or Republican parties early in life, the probability that they will cross party lines in response to an advertising campaign is slight. And since the motivation to vote is typically symbolic or psychological (in the sense that one’s vote is unlikely to be pivotal in determining the outcome of the election), increasing the level of controversy and conflict in ad campaigns is bound to discourage voters from making a choice and casting a vote. In effect, negative campaigns create an "avoidance" set within the electorate (see Houston et al., 1998, 1999).
Although the scholarly evidence is mixed, experimental studies substantiate these claims. Carefully controlled manipulations of advertising tone demonstrate that exposure to negative (rather than positive) campaign advertising heightens political cynicism and diminishes voter turnout (see Ansolabehere and Iyengar, 1995; Houston et al., 1998, 1999; Ansolabehere et al., 1999). It is hardly coincidental that the public’s views of elections and the importance of voting have soured as political advertising campaigns have become increasingly reliant on negative appeals. In 1960, for example, only one in four Americans endorsed the statement that "public officials don’t care much about what people like me think." By 1990, the cynical response was given by six of ten Americans (see Rosenstone and Hansen, 1992).
Even though the use of political advertising has spread exponentially, both in terms of the sheer frequency of exposure and the increased length of political campaigns, political advertising is still miniscule compared with commercial advertising. The total cost of the 1996 election (all races combined) amounted to approximately $2.5 billion (Center for Responsive Politics, 1999). This figure is less than the annual advertising budget for major U.S. corporations. During the height of the 1996 campaign, the research firm CMR found that fewer than one percent of all televised advertisements (750,000 out of 93,000,000) in the top 75 media markets were sponsored by political candidates or organizations (Goldstein, 1998). Clearly, the public’s distaste for these advertisements is based on factors other than sheer frequency.
The most distinctive feature of contemporary political campaign advertisements is the negativity of their content and tone. Political advertisers frequently engage in so-called "comparative" advertising in which the opposing candidate’s program and performance are criticized and even ridiculed. Highlighting the opponent’s liabilities and weaknesses usually takes precedence over identifying the sponsor’s program and strengths. In the most comprehensive tracking of campaign advertising to date, scholars at the Annenberg School of Communication have found that such "negative" advertising makes up approximately one-third of all campaign ads used in presidential campaigns (Jamieson et al., 1998). The level of negativity is actually significantly greater when one considers frequency-weighted indicators of content (Prior, 1999). In 1996, for instance, while fewer than one-half of the ads produced by the major candidates featured negative appeals, these appeals accounted for some seventy percent of the candidates’ ad buys (Goldstein, 1998). While we do not have comparable data for any commercial advertising campaign, the "comparative" element is unlikely to be so prominent; when compared with commercial ads, political ads are much more negative in content.
Unlike commercial advertisers, political advertises do not adhere to any codes or procedures intended to protect the public from inaccurate and unsubstantiated claims. All commercial advertisers voluntarily subscribe to a "code of advertising ethics" administered by the Advertising Division of the Better Business Bureau. This code includes provisions for dealing with complaints of false or misleading claims. Complaints directed at specific ads are reviewed and arbitrated by a panel appointed by the National Advertising Review Board. After reviewing the evidence from both sides, the panel may find the complaint to be valid and require that the ad in question be modified or discontinued. The panel may also refer the complaint to the appropriate governmental agency. If the advertiser fails to comply with a request for modification or termination, the panel may issue a "notice of noncompliance" identifying the advertiser.
Political advertisers are not subject to comparable voluntary guidelines. First Amendment protections make it virtually impossible to impose involuntary restraints on the content of political advertising. The American Association of Political Consultants has shown no inclination to encourage any form of self-restraint. The result is a free-for-all environment in which candidates repeatedly attack and counter-attack the claims of their competitors. The only accountability is provided by the press, in the form of sporadic "ad-watch" news reports that scrutinize specific ads for their accuracy (for a review of research into the effects of these reports, see Pew Commission, 1998). The very nature of ad-watch journalism, however, is bound to exacerbate public cynicism over the fairness and credibility of political advertising.
The Effects of Political Advertising
The harsh tone of political advertising, the often controversial techniques employed by political advertisers, and the fact that the competing claims made in campaign ads are beyond review, have raised questions about the goals of political advertisers. Many critics have suggested that political advertisers seek votes at any cost, even including a degraded sense of public regard for the candidates and the electoral process. Perhaps the amount of negativity featured in political campaigns is designed to shrink the "market" rather than increase the sponsor’s relative share. Discouraging people from voting is much more feasible than persuading supporters of one candidate to vote for the opponent. It is well known that most Americans hold fast to their partisan attachments and that the act of voting generally serves expressive (as opposed to instrumental) needs (for a review of research on political participation, see Rosenstone and Hansen, 1992). Since people acquire their affiliation with the Democratic or Republican parties early in life, the probability that they will cross party lines in response to an advertising campaign is slight. And since the motivation to vote is typically symbolic or psychological (in the sense that one’s vote is unlikely to be pivotal in determining the outcome of the election), increasing the level of controversy and conflict in ad campaigns is bound to discourage voters from making a choice and casting a vote. In effect, negative campaigns create an "avoidance" set within the electorate (see Houston et al., 1998, 1999).
Although the scholarly evidence is mixed, experimental studies substantiate these claims. Carefully controlled manipulations of advertising tone demonstrate that exposure to negative (rather than positive) campaign advertising heightens political cynicism and diminishes voter turnout (see Ansolabehere and Iyengar, 1995; Houston et al., 1998, 1999; Ansolabehere et al., 1999). It is hardly coincidental that the public’s views of elections and the importance of voting have soured as political advertising campaigns have become increasingly reliant on negative appeals. In 1960, for example, only one in four Americans endorsed the statement that "public officials don’t care much about what people like me think." By 1990, the cynical response was given by six of ten Americans (see Rosenstone and Hansen, 1992).
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